Post-Web - The Continuous Geography of Digital Media

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Conducted Feb This is sometimes referred to as context collapse, 4 an idea reflected in these focus group comments. These friends on Facebook are not important for me anymore. With my inner circle of friends I communicate via WhatsApp. Focus group respondents still talk about finding stories on Facebook and Twitter but then they will often post them to a WhatsApp group for discussion , often using a screen grab or a headline without a link.

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This is partly to avoid uncomfortable political debates over Brexit or Donald Trump:. Even though you may disagree with your friend on WhatsApp, friends are able to keep that good level of respect, everybody shares their opinion, and anyone who disagrees can joke about it. Mark Zuckerberg has pledged to fix Facebook and to recreate a safer and less toxic environment. The next year is likely to be a critical test for both companies in restoring trust and interaction on their platforms. Facebook believe that deprioritising some news content is part of that process, but our qualitative research suggests they need to be careful.

Consumers still value news as part of the wider mix — they would just like it to be more reliable and more relevant. With discussion moving to other platforms, they say, Facebook could end up feeling rather empty. A safe place for free expression has been one factor driving the rapid growth of messaging apps in markets like Turkey, Malaysia, and Hong Kong. In our data we find a strong correlation between use of networks like WhatsApp and self-expressed concern about the safety of posting political messages.

The figures are almost identical with a year ago — with just mobile alerts, which tend to be produced by human editors, edging up slightly. Behind the averages, however, we find very significant country differences.

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In some Asian countries, aggregators or search are the main gateways. In Japan, where Yahoo! Which of these was the MAIN way in which you came across news in the last week? Base: All that used a gateway to news in the last week in each market. Note: Base size is around in each market.

These differences in preferred access points are critical. They show that Nordic publishers still have direct relationships with their readers, making it much easier to charge for content online. Korean and Japanese publishers, on the other hand, find themselves much more dependent on third-party platforms to access audiences. Though the shift to distributed and side door access seems to have slowed down for now, this may just be a temporary pause with new technologies such as Voice on the way.

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The demographic push from under 35s remains towards greater use of mobile aggregators and social platforms and less direct access. Pulling in the opposite direction is the rebirth of email, which is being used as an effective tactic to bring consumers back to news websites directly, but this channel mainly resonates with over 45s. It is unlikely to attract younger users. The fastest growing gateway to news over the last three years has been mobile news alerts.

These resonate with younger users who frequently start their day with the lock screen. Picking up on this opportunity, publishers have been sending more alerts on a wider range of subjects.

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They are also starting to use artificial intelligence AI to make them more relevant. In the last year we have seen strong growth in Latin America, Spain, and most of Asia. One key question for news companies is whether consumers are receiving too many alerts from too many different providers. Our data show that for those receiving alerts the average number of organisations sending alerts is highest in Hong Kong 5. One reason for these relatively high numbers is that aggregators like Apple News and Upday are now sending alerts automatically in addition to individual news providers.

This has increased the number of alerts but also the number of duplicate alerts — and also led to some confusion about where alerts may come from. I have an app on my phone, it was already there from the beginning, and breaking news notifications pop up there just like when I get a message.

Only in the UK do more people say they would like to get more alerts than fewer. This is likely to be partly because the BBC News app, which sends alerts to around 5m people, is relatively restrained. But there are opportunities amongst other smartphone users who are interested in news but so far have been reluctant to sign up.

Winning consumer trust is becoming the central issue of our times as businesses compete for attention in a digital world — and where user allegiance can transfer in the blink of an eye. As the Edelman Trust Barometer 6 has documented, trust has been declining in many institutions, as well as in the news media, over many years. But have we now reached the bottom?

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At an aggregate level, this year, we see a relatively stable picture. This has increased by 2 percentage points in the last year. All markets. Please indicate your level of agreement with the following statements. This reflects the previous discussion about the often unsatisfying experience of news in Facebook, but is also a natural consequence of seeing more sources when in aggregated environments Digital News Report, , If these perspectives are different — which they often are — this can lead to confusion, greater scepticism, and ultimately to a lack of trust.

Looking at more detailed data on general news trust, we see more movement and significant variations across countries. Trust in the news is substantially up in a number of countries, notably Ireland, Canada, the Netherlands, and Slovakia. Declining trust often seems to be linked to political tension. This chart reminds us that trust or lack of trust in the media is closely linked to perceived political bias. Inclusive reporting that bridges political divides and reflects different perspectives and voices will need to be part of the solution too.

We can see this story about polarisation and perceived bias expressed in a new and powerful way with the help of brand level trust scores. For the first time this year, we asked respondents to score top brands in each country where 0 is not at all trustworthy and 10 is completely trustworthy. Taking the US as an example, we can see scores for all those who have heard of the brand, followed by a second score for those who have actually used it in the last week. Local television news is most trusted, with a mean score of over six 6.

However for those who use Breitbart regularly, the trust score jumps to 6. We can also look at the same data through a political lens.

Post-Web: The Continuous Geography of Digital Media

Those on the left give CNN a score of 7. Fox News gets a high rating from the right 6. Breitbart News is also well trusted on the right 5. Similar charts for other countries e. Germany and UK show far narrower gaps in partisan trust. This process has already started in the US where they have also said they will uprate brands that are trusted by different types of people.

Facebook will not reveal their scores, but we are publishing our results for the top news brands in our 37 country pages. This approach would also tend to down-rate hyper partisan brands like Breitbart because they do not have trust with different types of people. On the other hand, if they take notice of whether an individual uses the brand, people could see more content from hyper partisan sites. Looking at brand trust across countries, we find that TV brands or digital brands with a TV heritage score best, followed by upmarket newspaper brands.

Digital-born brands and popular newspaper brands do worst. Public broadcasters PSBs score best in countries where they are seen to be independent of government. But in countries like Italy and Spain they have lower scores in absolute terms but also in relation to other types.

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This is a difficult area to research because the term is both poorly defined and highly politicised. Our approach was, first, to ask about general concern to capture variation across countries and then to break the term down to understand how much people were exposed to different types of unreliable information, identified by audiences in focus groups last year.

These are all polarised countries where recent or ongoing election or referendum campaigns have been affected by disinformation and misinformation. It is also worth noting that politics tends to be less polarised in these countries and social media play a less important role as a source of news. But we find audience perceptions of these issues are very different from those of politicians and media insiders. Of all our categories this is the biggest single gap between perception and what people actually see.

Even in the United States, examples tend to be historic rather than current:.

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I think during the election, the biggest thing I disliked about Facebook was the amount of fake stories that were on there. And I think since then it has gotten so much better. I see fake news every day. While politicians and the media often talk about fake news in terms of Russian propaganda or for-profit fabrication by Macedonian teenagers, it is clear that audience concerns are very different, relating to different kinds of deception largely perpetrated by journalists, politicians, and advertisers.

But there is a much more mixed picture when it comes to government intervention. Please indicate your agreement with the following statement. The Government should do more to make it easier to separate what is real and fake on the internet. Base: Total sample in each market. In the United States, focus group participants were extremely wary of government interference, preferring to solutions that encouraged users of the platforms to behave more responsibly.

But in Germany, there was a different picture with respondents often recognising the value of government intervention. This research is a timely reminder that there is no clear agreement on where the limits of free speech should be set. In the design of their software, US technology companies have long reflected a perspective that is heavily influenced by the First Amendment, but that is now running up against European and Asian traditions that are more mindful of the historic dangers of unregulated free speech.

Striking the right balance, particularly at a time of greater polarisation, will be critical for society but also for journalism. In most cases these sites have a political or ideological agenda and their user base tends to passionately share these views.

Partisan sites are said to have played a part in bringing Donald Trump to power in the United States and in mobilising support for Jeremy Corbyn in the UK. Though ideology is a key motivator, some sites are also looking to make money from these activities.